Development of Nationalism and Social Identity Theory

A state may easily conclude that a power vacuum in a particular region is preferable to a check power center. Given the threat the Soviet Union be to the United States (and the threat its predecessor, the Romanov empire, posed to Great Britain) it is by no means clear that a consolidated entity on the filth of the Soviet Union is preferable to a balance wheel-of-power system of agree successor states.

Even if the number of nation states were to increase by a dozen or two in the succeeding(a) few decades, through the peaceful or violent cleavage of several multi issue countries, the very inequality of power among states would resist too great a degree of disorder. The breakup of ordinal and twentieth century empires produced almost two hundred states? swell short of the "300 independent political units that existed in early-modern Germany, or the 500 that Charles Tilly has identified in the Europe of 1500. If the world survived the quick refinement of the number of U.N. member states from 52 in 1946 to 183 today, for sure it can survive a more(prenominal) incremental expansion by a dozen or two more."

Opponents of secessionist patriotism argue that larger minorities, once they gain independence, may in turn oppress footlinger minorities in the new national territory. As an example the Quebecois, if independent, might be more tend to oppress Aboriginal peoples in Quebec. Without condoning any injustice, the fact that a secessionist nation engages in oppre

Ignatieff, M. inventory and Belonging. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1993.

Tajfel, H., and Wilkes, A. L. "Classification and Quantitative Judgement." British Journal of Psychology, 54 (1963), 101-114.

ssive behavior does not mean its complaints about its own burdensomeness at the hands of a central government or dominant imperial ethnic sort are not legitimate. Even criminals may be victims of crime. Inevitably, the replacement of a international empire or federation by a group of nation states will leave minorities that are too small or too dispersed without states of their own.

This, in itself, is no communication channel for holding the multinational structure together, unless the multinational elite is importantly more virtuous than the successor national elites, which is rarely the case.

Serbia utilize a campaign to encourage Albanians to leave Kosovo. For whatever reasons you chose to cite, the dowry of ethnic Albanians in Kosovo has been increasing rapidly at the disbursal of the Serbs. Serbia openly expresses a desire to readjust the ethnic balance in Kosovo. Since American President Clinton warned that any attempt to neaten Albanians from the region would push the United States into direct military intervention in Serbia, the Serbian authorities have resorted to "marginally more discreet measures than are practised elsewhere." A visiting British politician, heading an international inter-parliamentary human rights mission to Kosovo in 1993 verbalise that that denying people work or terrifying the population was 'part of a policy to make life so unpleasant for Albanians as to force them to move out.' In short, he said, as manifest by the fact that more than 300,000 Albanians have fled Kosovo under Milosevic's ascendancy, 'this amounts to naught less than not-so-subtle ethnic cleansing.'"

In civil wars where ethnic or cultural differences are at issue, "partition should no interminable be considered the last resort. It might sometimes be intelligent to
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