The Paradigm of "Balance of Power"

Both Plato and Aristotle (to a greater extent so in the case of Aristotle) sought to create a polity base on offset and the "Golden Mean." The ancient Greek historiographer Thucydides applied the concept of equilibrium-or, more accurately, lack of equilibrium-in understanding the demeanour of nation-states in the time of war in his classic treatise, news report of the Peloponnesian state of war.

Despite the early contribution by Thucydides, the furiousness on equilibrium theory was on intrastate sort of than planetary politics. The theory may be applied to the infixed political conflicts of individual members of a society, or it may be applied to transnational relationships. When it is applied to the latter, the theory is usually referred to as the balance of power. Balance of power theory is distinct from equilibrium theory primarily because of its focus on power relationships among otherwise independent actors (nations).

It was not until around World War I that balance of power theory emerged as a mature school of thought for analyzing international politics (Dougherty and Pfaltzgraff, 1990, p. 2). governmental thought prior to the war focused on milkweed butterfly nationstates and the rights of individuals. Internal constitutions sought to distribute power in a rational basis. There was no such thinking in the international argonna. International relations was not even a major emphasis of research. But immediately following the beginning World War, political scientists began looking at the causes

In that decade, however, a region-wide alliance was not prosecute with urgency and thus failed to materialize. The 1970s was a relatively peaceable decade in the Gulf and the governments of the region were well sure how little they had in common. An attempt to coordinate security policies with an alliance at a meeting of Gulf contrasted ministers hosted by Oman in 1976 went nowhere.

Along with more variables affecting international politics came more active players. No longer is international politics the relationship only between nations.

It is also manipulated by individuals through public opinion or direct run; subnational groups, such as the media or organized interest groups, which function elite decisions in the international arena; transnational groups that are beyond national governments, such as the Catholic Church, transnational corporations, or independent liberation movements; international organizations and alliances, such as the United Nations or the Gulf Cooperation Council; and, of course, nation-states (Cartwright et. al, 1987). Not all of these actors tend the same weight, but they all exercise some influence, depending on the particular conflict.

The pan-Arabian impulses of Iraq--the original cause of worry to the Gulf states--exploded in August 1990 with Iraq's invasion of Kuwait. The invasion caught the world and the Gulf Cooperation Council often by surprise. Iraq justified the action as a appraise to curtail Kuwait's wanton over-production of oil--an act that was undercutting Iraq's ability to finance its proclaim post-war reconstruction. But the historical lessons of the region suggested to the Gulf Coordination Council that far more was at stake. Saudi Arabia and most other Gulf states were convinced(p) that an unfettered Iraqi conquest of Kuwait would soon be followed by continued Iraqi expansions.

Long, D. (1993). Prospects for armed conflict in the Gulf. Middle East Policy, 2, pp. 113-124.

Perhaps, Iran's new interna
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